Showing posts with label SOCIALISM. Show all posts
Showing posts with label SOCIALISM. Show all posts

Sunday 17 February 2013

Revolution aand Revisionism


LONG LIVE THE REVOLUTION


  Make the People's Democratic Revolution Successful by Fighting Against  Revisionism
  
As revisionist thinking nestled in the Indian party for a long time, we couldnot build up a correct revolutionary party. Our primary task today is tobuild up a correct revolutionary party fighting uncompromisingly againstthis revisionist thinking.
(1) The first among revisionist thought is to regard 'Krishak Sabha'(peasants' organisation) and trade unions as the only Party activity.Party comrades often confuse the work of peasants' organisation and tradeunion with the political work of the Party. They do not realise that thepolitical tasks of the Party cannot be carried out through the peasants'organisation and trade union. But it should be remembered at the same timethat the trade union and the peasants' organisation are one of the many weaponsfor serving our purpose. On the other hand, to regard peasants' organisationand trade union work as the only work of the Party, can only mean plungingthe Party in the mire of economism. The proletarian revolution cannot bemade successful without an uncompromising struggle against this economism.This is the lesson that com. Lenin has given us.
(2) Some comrades think and are still thinking today that our political taskends with the launching of a few movements on demands, and they regard asingle victory through these movements as a political victory of the Party.Not only that, these comrades seek to confine the responsibility of carryingout the political tasks of the Party within the limits of these movementsonly. But we, the true Marxists know that carrying out the Party's politicalresponsibility means that the final aim of all propaganda, all movementsand all organisations of the Party is to establish firmly the political powerof the proletariat. It should be remembered always that if the words "Seizureof Political Power" are left out, the Party no longer remains a revolutionaryParty. Although it will remain a revolutionary Party in name then, it willbe actually reduced to a reformist party of the bourgeoisie.
When speaking of seizure of political power, some mean the Centre. They thinkthat with the gradual expansion of the limits of the movement, our only aimwill be to capture power centrally. This thinking is not only wrong; thisthinking destroys the correct revolutionary thinking within the party andreduces it to a reformist party. At the World Trade Union Congress in 1953,the well-tested and well-established Marxist leader of
China, member of theCentral Committee of the Communist Party of China, asserted firmly that inthe coming days the tactics and strategy of the unfinished revolution ofAsia, Africa and Latin America will follow the footsteps of China. In otherwords, the strategy and tactics of these struggles will be area-wise seizureof power. It was not only that comrade and member of the Central Committeeof the Chinese Party, but Com. Lenin also mentioned area-wise seizure ofpower in his writings. Above all, the working class in Russia gave a concreteproof of Lenin's conclusion when they kept the town of Kronstad under seizurefor three days. In the era of socialism, all the elements of area-wise seizureof power are present in our framework.
A burning instance of the fact that this is possible is the Naga rebellion.The main condition of this area-wise seizure of power is weapons in the handsof the revolutionary forces. To think of seizing power without arms, is nothingbut an idle dream. Our Party has a very long history of struggles. We gavethe leadership to the peasants' and workers' movements in the extensivecountryside of
North Bengal. Naturally, we shall have to examine and analysethe movements of the past and draw lessons from them and we shall have tomove forward anew in the present revolutionary era.
Analysis of the concrete events and experiences of the Tebhaga Movementin 1946 and 1947
The participant peasants in this movement numbered about six million. Itshould be remembered that in the entire peasant movement this was a goldenera. In the massiveness of the movement, in the intensity of emotions, inthe expression of class hatred, this movement was the highest stage of classstruggle. To help understand that stage, I am citing a few moving instancesof that movement.


A day's event:--


I was then living underground in the interest of the movement. I have personallywitnessed the tide of the revolutionary movement. I have seen how a singlelittle note made a man ten miles away come running like a mad man. On theother hand, I have also seen standing beside the husband, a newly wed youngMuslim woman who was subjected to demoniac barbarous assault by the classenemy. I have heard the pathetic appeal of that unarmed husband--Comrade,can't you take revenge? The very next moment, I have seen the intense hatredof the exploited against the exploiter, have seen that aweful spectacle ofkilling a living man in cold blood by twisting his throat.
Comrades, the above mentioned incidents demand from us some analysis.
Firstly, what was the historical reason as a result of which this massiveform of that movement in those days could create intense hatred against theclass enemy ?
Secondly, what again were the causes which turned that vast movement intoa failure ?
First, it was the slogan of seizure of political power that created the massiveform of that movement of those days, created the intense hatred against theclass enemy. On the opposite side, it was this slogan that made the classenemy adopt his class role. It is the expression of this that we find inthe barbaric rape of the young peasant woman and the beastly violent attackto smash the movement. On the other hand the peasants also did not hesitateto attack the class enemy. This raises the question: Why couldn't power beseized even after this ? It couldn't be seized for one reason only--it wasbecause the fighting people of those days looked to the centre for arms;we then lost faith in the path indicated by Lenin. We hesitated in thosedays to accept that bold declaration of Lenin to carry forward the revolutionby collecting arms locally and seizing power area-wise. As a result, theunarmed peasants could not stand up and resist in the face of arms. Eventhose who fought defying death had also to retreat finally. The lesson thathas to be drawn from the mistakes of those days is that the responsibilityof collecting arms lies with the local organisation, not with the centre.So the question of collecting arms will have to be put up before every ActivistGroup from now on. 'Dao', knives, sticks--all these are weapons, and withtheir help at opportune moments, firearms will have to be snatched. The eventsdescribed above are manifestations of revisionist thinking in its theoreticalaspect. Now, from the organisational point of view, those mistakes will haveto be found out which were hurdles in the way of a correct leadership ofthe vast movements of those days, so that they may not find a nest afreshin the revolutionary Party. To smash all those mistakes in the Party, theParty will today first have to establish its leadership over the massorganisations. For, a review of the history of the party over a long periodwould reveal that as a result of the revisionist thinking of regarding leadersof trade unions and peasant organisations (krishak sabha) as thereal representatives of the people, the party was reduced to a party of afew individuals. Because of this thinking, the party's political activitiesbecame inert, and the proletariat also became deprived of a correct revolutionaryleadership. All movements became confined within the bonds of movements ondemands. As a result Party members became enthusiastic over a single victoryand despondent over a single defeat. Secondly, as a result of overestimatingthe importance of this organisation, another type of localism is born. Comradesthink that the Party will suffer a serious loss if any comrade is shiftedfrom his area and they take this as a loss to personal leadership. From thislocalism another type of opportunism develops. Comrades think that theirarea is the most revolutionary; naturally nothing should be done here sothat there is police persecution. Because of this viewpoint they do not analysethe political situation of the entire country. As a result, commandism developsand organisational and daily propaganda work suffers. As a result, when thereis a call for a struggle, they assert that they will not do any small workand commit adventurism. Naturally the question arises--what are the methodswhich help to get out of these deviations ? What are those Marxist directiveswhich become essential tasks for building up a revolutionary party ?
Firstly, all works of organisation of the future will have to be done ascomplementary to the Party. In other words, the mass organisations will haveto be used as a part of serving one main purpose of the Party. For this reason,naturally, Party leadership will have to be established over the organisations.
Secondly, immediately from now the entire effort of the Party will have tobe spent on recruiting newer and newer cadres and on forming countless ActivistGroups consisting of them. It should be remembered that in the coming eraof struggles, the masses will have to be educated through the illegal machinery.So every Party member from now on will have to be made habituated to illegalwork. To get used to illegal work, it is an essential task for every ActivistGroup to paste illegal posters. It is only through this process that theywill be able to act as the bold core in leading struggles in the era ofstruggles. Otherwise, the revolution will be reduced to a petty bourgeoisidle dream.
Thirdly, it is through these active organisations that the Party will beable to establish its leadership over the mass organisations. So from nowon we shall have to help the members of the Activist Groups so that theycan fearlessly criticize the leaders of the mass organisations, and theirwork.
Fourthly, the work of the mass organisations will have to be discussed anddecided upon in the Party before it is implemented in the mass organisations.It should be remembered here that the policies of the mass organisationshave been wrongly practiced so long in the Party. To hold discussions onParty decisions is not called democratic centralism. This thinking is notin accordance with Marxism. And from all this thinking the conclusion hasto be drawn that the Party's programme will be adopted from below. But ifit is adopted from the lower level, then the correct Marxist way is notimplemented; in all these activities there inevitably is bourgeois deviations.The Marxist truth of democratic centralism is that the Party directive comingfrom higher leadership must be carried out. Because the Party's highest leaderis he who has firmly established himself as a Marxist through a long periodof movements and theoretical debates. We have the right to criticise Partydecisions; but once a decision has been taken, if any one criticizes it withoutimplementing it, or obstructs work, or hesitates to implement it, he willbe guilty of the serious offence of violating Party discipline.
As a result of having this idea of Party democracy as that of a debatingsociety, the road for espionage inside the Party is thrown open. Naturally,the revolutionary leadership of the Party then becomes bankrupt and the workingclass is deprived of a correct revolutionary leadership. This petty-bourgeoissort of thinking inside the Party leads the Party on to the verge of destruction.And this is the manifestation of petty-bourgeois thinking inside the Party.Their comfortable living and attitude of indisciplined criticism reducesthe Party to a mere debating society. This thinking becomes a hurdle in thepath of building up a Party of the proletariat--strong as iron.
Fifthly, the indisciplined life of the petty-bourgeoisie draws them towardsindisciplined criticism; that is, they do not want to criticize within thelimits of the organisation. To get rid of this deviation, we should remainconscious of the Marxist viewpoint regarding criticism. The characteristicsof Marxist criticism are: (1) Criticisms must be made within the Partyorganisation, that is, at the Party meeting. (2) The aim of criticism shouldbe constructive. That is, the aim of criticism is to advance the party fromthe point of view of principles and organisation, and we must always be vigilantthat there is no unprincipled criticism within the Party.
Come, comrades, in the present revolutionary era, let us complete the People'sDemocratic Revolution by fighting uncompromisingly against revisionism.


Revolution and revisionism

Revolution aand Revisionism


LONG LIVE THE REVOLUTION


  Make the People's Democratic Revolution Successful by Fighting Against  Revisionism
  
As revisionist thinking nestled in the Indian party for a long time, we couldnot build up a correct revolutionary party. Our primary task today is tobuild up a correct revolutionary party fighting uncompromisingly againstthis revisionist thinking.
(1) The first among revisionist thought is to regard 'Krishak Sabha'(peasants' organisation) and trade unions as the only Party activity.Party comrades often confuse the work of peasants' organisation and tradeunion with the political work of the Party. They do not realise that thepolitical tasks of the Party cannot be carried out through the peasants'organisation and trade union. But it should be remembered at the same timethat the trade union and the peasants' organisation are one of the many weaponsfor serving our purpose. On the other hand, to regard peasants' organisationand trade union work as the only work of the Party, can only mean plungingthe Party in the mire of economism. The proletarian revolution cannot bemade successful without an uncompromising struggle against this economism.This is the lesson that com. Lenin has given us.
(2) Some comrades think and are still thinking today that our political taskends with the launching of a few movements on demands, and they regard asingle victory through these movements as a political victory of the Party.Not only that, these comrades seek to confine the responsibility of carryingout the political tasks of the Party within the limits of these movementsonly. But we, the true Marxists know that carrying out the Party's politicalresponsibility means that the final aim of all propaganda, all movementsand all organisations of the Party is to establish firmly the political powerof the proletariat. It should be remembered always that if the words "Seizureof Political Power" are left out, the Party no longer remains a revolutionaryParty. Although it will remain a revolutionary Party in name then, it willbe actually reduced to a reformist party of the bourgeoisie.
When speaking of seizure of political power, some mean the Centre. They thinkthat with the gradual expansion of the limits of the movement, our only aimwill be to capture power centrally. This thinking is not only wrong; thisthinking destroys the correct revolutionary thinking within the party andreduces it to a reformist party. At the World Trade Union Congress in 1953,the well-tested and well-established Marxist leader of
China, member of theCentral Committee of the Communist Party of China, asserted firmly that inthe coming days the tactics and strategy of the unfinished revolution ofAsia, Africa and Latin America will follow the footsteps of China. In otherwords, the strategy and tactics of these struggles will be area-wise seizureof power. It was not only that comrade and member of the Central Committeeof the Chinese Party, but Com. Lenin also mentioned area-wise seizure ofpower in his writings. Above all, the working class in Russia gave a concreteproof of Lenin's conclusion when they kept the town of Kronstad under seizurefor three days. In the era of socialism, all the elements of area-wise seizureof power are present in our framework.
A burning instance of the fact that this is possible is the Naga rebellion.The main condition of this area-wise seizure of power is weapons in the handsof the revolutionary forces. To think of seizing power without arms, is nothingbut an idle dream. Our Party has a very long history of struggles. We gavethe leadership to the peasants' and workers' movements in the extensivecountryside of
North Bengal. Naturally, we shall have to examine and analysethe movements of the past and draw lessons from them and we shall have tomove forward anew in the present revolutionary era.
Analysis of the concrete events and experiences of the Tebhaga Movementin 1946 and 1947
The participant peasants in this movement numbered about six million. Itshould be remembered that in the entire peasant movement this was a goldenera. In the massiveness of the movement, in the intensity of emotions, inthe expression of class hatred, this movement was the highest stage of classstruggle. To help understand that stage, I am citing a few moving instancesof that movement.


A day's event:--


I was then living underground in the interest of the movement. I have personallywitnessed the tide of the revolutionary movement. I have seen how a singlelittle note made a man ten miles away come running like a mad man. On theother hand, I have also seen standing beside the husband, a newly wed youngMuslim woman who was subjected to demoniac barbarous assault by the classenemy. I have heard the pathetic appeal of that unarmed husband--Comrade,can't you take revenge? The very next moment, I have seen the intense hatredof the exploited against the exploiter, have seen that aweful spectacle ofkilling a living man in cold blood by twisting his throat.
Comrades, the above mentioned incidents demand from us some analysis.
Firstly, what was the historical reason as a result of which this massiveform of that movement in those days could create intense hatred against theclass enemy ?
Secondly, what again were the causes which turned that vast movement intoa failure ?
First, it was the slogan of seizure of political power that created the massiveform of that movement of those days, created the intense hatred against theclass enemy. On the opposite side, it was this slogan that made the classenemy adopt his class role. It is the expression of this that we find inthe barbaric rape of the young peasant woman and the beastly violent attackto smash the movement. On the other hand the peasants also did not hesitateto attack the class enemy. This raises the question: Why couldn't power beseized even after this ? It couldn't be seized for one reason only--it wasbecause the fighting people of those days looked to the centre for arms;we then lost faith in the path indicated by Lenin. We hesitated in thosedays to accept that bold declaration of Lenin to carry forward the revolutionby collecting arms locally and seizing power area-wise. As a result, theunarmed peasants could not stand up and resist in the face of arms. Eventhose who fought defying death had also to retreat finally. The lesson thathas to be drawn from the mistakes of those days is that the responsibilityof collecting arms lies with the local organisation, not with the centre.So the question of collecting arms will have to be put up before every ActivistGroup from now on. 'Dao', knives, sticks--all these are weapons, and withtheir help at opportune moments, firearms will have to be snatched. The eventsdescribed above are manifestations of revisionist thinking in its theoreticalaspect. Now, from the organisational point of view, those mistakes will haveto be found out which were hurdles in the way of a correct leadership ofthe vast movements of those days, so that they may not find a nest afreshin the revolutionary Party. To smash all those mistakes in the Party, theParty will today first have to establish its leadership over the massorganisations. For, a review of the history of the party over a long periodwould reveal that as a result of the revisionist thinking of regarding leadersof trade unions and peasant organisations (krishak sabha) as thereal representatives of the people, the party was reduced to a party of afew individuals. Because of this thinking, the party's political activitiesbecame inert, and the proletariat also became deprived of a correct revolutionaryleadership. All movements became confined within the bonds of movements ondemands. As a result Party members became enthusiastic over a single victoryand despondent over a single defeat. Secondly, as a result of overestimatingthe importance of this organisation, another type of localism is born. Comradesthink that the Party will suffer a serious loss if any comrade is shiftedfrom his area and they take this as a loss to personal leadership. From thislocalism another type of opportunism develops. Comrades think that theirarea is the most revolutionary; naturally nothing should be done here sothat there is police persecution. Because of this viewpoint they do not analysethe political situation of the entire country. As a result, commandism developsand organisational and daily propaganda work suffers. As a result, when thereis a call for a struggle, they assert that they will not do any small workand commit adventurism. Naturally the question arises--what are the methodswhich help to get out of these deviations ? What are those Marxist directiveswhich become essential tasks for building up a revolutionary party ?
Firstly, all works of organisation of the future will have to be done ascomplementary to the Party. In other words, the mass organisations will haveto be used as a part of serving one main purpose of the Party. For this reason,naturally, Party leadership will have to be established over the organisations.
Secondly, immediately from now the entire effort of the Party will have tobe spent on recruiting newer and newer cadres and on forming countless ActivistGroups consisting of them. It should be remembered that in the coming eraof struggles, the masses will have to be educated through the illegal machinery.So every Party member from now on will have to be made habituated to illegalwork. To get used to illegal work, it is an essential task for every ActivistGroup to paste illegal posters. It is only through this process that theywill be able to act as the bold core in leading struggles in the era ofstruggles. Otherwise, the revolution will be reduced to a petty bourgeoisidle dream.
Thirdly, it is through these active organisations that the Party will beable to establish its leadership over the mass organisations. So from nowon we shall have to help the members of the Activist Groups so that theycan fearlessly criticize the leaders of the mass organisations, and theirwork.
Fourthly, the work of the mass organisations will have to be discussed anddecided upon in the Party before it is implemented in the mass organisations.It should be remembered here that the policies of the mass organisationshave been wrongly practiced so long in the Party. To hold discussions onParty decisions is not called democratic centralism. This thinking is notin accordance with Marxism. And from all this thinking the conclusion hasto be drawn that the Party's programme will be adopted from below. But ifit is adopted from the lower level, then the correct Marxist way is notimplemented; in all these activities there inevitably is bourgeois deviations.The Marxist truth of democratic centralism is that the Party directive comingfrom higher leadership must be carried out. Because the Party's highest leaderis he who has firmly established himself as a Marxist through a long periodof movements and theoretical debates. We have the right to criticise Partydecisions; but once a decision has been taken, if any one criticizes it withoutimplementing it, or obstructs work, or hesitates to implement it, he willbe guilty of the serious offence of violating Party discipline.
As a result of having this idea of Party democracy as that of a debatingsociety, the road for espionage inside the Party is thrown open. Naturally,the revolutionary leadership of the Party then becomes bankrupt and the workingclass is deprived of a correct revolutionary leadership. This petty-bourgeoissort of thinking inside the Party leads the Party on to the verge of destruction.And this is the manifestation of petty-bourgeois thinking inside the Party.Their comfortable living and attitude of indisciplined criticism reducesthe Party to a mere debating society. This thinking becomes a hurdle in thepath of building up a Party of the proletariat--strong as iron.
Fifthly, the indisciplined life of the petty-bourgeoisie draws them towardsindisciplined criticism; that is, they do not want to criticize within thelimits of the organisation. To get rid of this deviation, we should remainconscious of the Marxist viewpoint regarding criticism. The characteristicsof Marxist criticism are: (1) Criticisms must be made within the Partyorganisation, that is, at the Party meeting. (2) The aim of criticism shouldbe constructive. That is, the aim of criticism is to advance the party fromthe point of view of principles and organisation, and we must always be vigilantthat there is no unprincipled criticism within the Party.
Come, comrades, in the present revolutionary era, let us complete the People'sDemocratic Revolution by fighting uncompromisingly against revisionism.


Friday 4 November 2011

SOCIALIST REALISM



The end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th century was the period when capitalism, as Lenin demonstrated, entered ‘the last and highest phase of its development’, the stage of ‘moribund capitalism’, the stage of imperialism. In the various capitalist countries of Europe the further concentration of capital took place. As a result, the proletariat also became concentrated and grew ever larger, its struggle became more organized, more conscious, more on a mass scale. The antagonistic contradictions between capital and labour, between the exploiting and the exploited classes, became ever sharper and deeper. The proletariat came finally on to the arena of history as the most powerful class, the vanguard class, of society, the class which would deprive the bourgeoisie not only of its economic rights, but also of its political rights.

At this time Marxism, the philosophical thought of the working class, elaborated by Marx and Engels, was spreading rapidly. It overran Europe, America, Asia, and penetrated Russia. In the working class movement of several countries it became the guiding banner. The struggle of the working class, illuminated by Marxist science, by the theory of class struggle, demonstrated that the antagonistic contradictions within the capitalist system could only accentuate and could only be resolved in revolution. Russia, which at the beginning of the 20th century found itself in the stage of capitalist industrialization, also felt the strength of the working class movement. At this time Russia was one of the most backward countries of Europe, contradictions were acute, where exploitation of the new capitalist type intertwined with the most savage forms of feudal exploitation. In such conditions, the struggle of the working class found in Russia the favourable terrain to develop and to deliver powerful revolutionary blows. Thus, the new economic and political conditions which were created, together with the spread of Marxism, brought about within a short time (between 1905 and 1917) three revolutions in Russia. Their aim was the overthrow of the reactionary exploiting classes: the feudal aristocracy and the bourgeoisie. The centre of the world revolutionary movement had now passed to Russia. In the first and second decades of the 20th century, Russia was the country where the struggle for the destruction of the feudal-bourgeois system of exploitation gained important successes. This revolutionary movement was not spontaneous; at its core stood the working class, led by the Bolshevik Party founded and directed by Lenin. The epoch of imperialism determined clearly who would be the gravedigger of the old oppression and exploitation; it brought into the open the historic role of the working class, its great destructive and constructive role. This new class, now equipped with a new political way of thinking, and this powerful revolutionary movement, could not but exert an influence also in the field of literature. In various countries of the world works began to appear which attempted to reflect the life and historic role of the working class. But at the same time the degeneration of the capitalist system found expression in literature through a series of decadent currents.

The best writers and artists tried not to fall prey to these currents, while there were also talented writers and artists in whose creativity the influence of these decadent currents appeared, but who, under the influence of the revolutionary movement of the working class and of Marxist-Leninist ideas, threw themselves unreservedly in their creations into the reflection of the life of the working class, of its revolutionary movement. The well-known American writer Jack London attempted to portray in art the strength of the working class in his work ‘The Iron Heel’. But, while reflecting in a realist manner the ‘iron heel’ of capital upon the working class, Jack London did not manage to present correctly the social revolution of the future; he drew this revolution in anarcho-individualist colours, because he could not break away from the influence of the bourgeois philosophy of the time, which oversimplified human life into a biological struggle for existence and raised a hymn to individualism, to the ‘superman’ detached from society. Later, the French writers Romain Rolland and Henri Barbusse, Bertolt Brecht in Germany, etc., made the great events of the time and the working class the subject of their works. Among those who particularly embraced, and orientated themselves upon, the fundamental principles of socialist realism was Brecht. But despite these successes, the majority of them did not manage to analyse in depth the strength and vitality of the working class. Nevertheless, these authors advanced the reflection of the antagonistic contradictions between the working class and capitalism further than their predecessors, the other writers of critical realism.

In Russia the writer who succeeded in reflecting truthfully the historic role of the working class, of the Marxist-Leninist party, in their struggle for liberation from the class yoke, was Maxim Gorky. He, unlike his predecessors and contemporaries, managed to analyse the antagonistic class contradictions, basing himself upon Marxist-Leninist theory, and showed the road of victory for the revolution by means of the struggle of the working class in alliance with the peasantry, led by the Marxist-Leninist party. In his novel ‘The Mother’, which appeared in 1906, he laid the foundations of the new proletarian literature, the literature of socialist realism. The formation of Gorky as proletarian writer, as founder of the literature of socialist realism was linked with — apart from the above factors, the struggle of the proletariat and the spread of Marxism—the earlier literary heritage and contemporary literary experience. But in the first place, as the favourable literary terrain on which the creativity of Gorky was nourished, was the Russian literature of critical realism: the works of Pushkin, Tolstoy, Nekrasov and many other writers.

In his works, and in a special way in the novel ‘The Mother’, Gorky reflected the first assaults of the Russian proletariat, the rising struggle led by Lenin and by the Party founded by him.

With the victory of the Great October Socialist Revolution, the economico-political conditions changed completely. Now power passed into the hands of the working class and the peasantry. The literature of socialist realism now developed further. Many works reflected the Great October Revolution and its victories. The literature of socialist realism was transformed, after the October Revolution, into a world current, the influence of which now became inescapable.

After the death of Lenin, Stalin led the country along the road of the further construction of socialism. The development of industry, the elevation of cultural life, this whole important historic revolutionary period, were reflected also in literature. Mayakovsky, Furmanov, Ostrovsky, Fadeyev, developed socialist realism further. They portrayed in their works the struggle of the Soviet peoples for the triumph of the October Revolution and for the defence of its victories from external and internal enemies, the heroic work for industrialization and the collectivization of agriculture. The works ‘Vladimir Ilyich Lenin’, ‘All Right!’ ‘Chapayev’, ‘How the Steel Was Tempered’, ‘The Rout’, ‘The Last of the Udegs’, etc., became the conductors of the ideas and policy of the Party.

Meanwhile, the leap forward taken after the October Revolution by the international proletariat and the oppressed peoples gave an impetus to the birth of the new literature in other countries. In Europe, America, Asia, revolutionary writers, closely linked with the struggle of the workers and peasants, absorbing the Marxist-Leninist world outlook, set out on the road of socialist realism. But, in a special way, the strength of socialist realism was felt after the Second World War; when in many countries of Europe and Asia the revolution was victorious and people’s power was established, the literature of socialist realism took a great leap forward. This literature was inspired by the ideas of Marxism-Leninism, by the great economico-political changes which occurred in the socialist countries. Now the influence of socialist realism and its authority grew markedly.

During this time, socialist realism in the Soviet Union was characterized by communist partisanship, by Marxist-Leninist ideology, by dialectical reflection of socialist reality. All this caused this literature to occupy an important place in world culture. But when the revisionist clique came to head the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, everything changed. Deviation from the principles of Marxism-Leninism brought about changes also in literature. Soviet literature changed direction. It drew away from the principles of revolutionary communist partisanship, from class analysis of the phenomena of life.

The first signs of revisionist ideas in Soviet art appeared soon after the Second World War. Their social base was that bourgeoisified, bureaucratized stratum which had turned its back on the ideas of socialism. The Central Committee of the CPSU, headed by Stalin, took a series of decisions. It sharply condemned the decadent creativity of the writers Zoshchenko and Akhmatova; similarly erroneous manifestations in music, in the repertory of the theatre, were denounced. But this struggle was not carried through to the end. After Stalin’s death, the road to revisionism opened up also in art. At the 20th Congress this was openly demonstrated. Under the pretext of struggling against the ‘cult of the individual’, the revisionists set Soviet art on the road of degeneration. They repudiated the Soviet art of Stalin’s time and all the successes of that time. They rehabilitated decadent Russian poets, whiteguard émigrés who had placed themselves at the service of imperialist intelligence services, enemies of the Soviet state and of Stalin. They opened the doors to the penetration of the most decadent bourgeois culture and art. Betraying the proletarian revolution and Marxism-Leninism, the modern revisionists abandoned the principles on which the literature of socialist realism was based. They repudiated party spirit in literature, the truthful reflection in revolutionary development of life itself; they repudiated its humanism. The modern revisionists expunged from literature healthy content, optimism, belief in socialism. They abandoned the valuable principles of socialist realism of the epoch of Lenin and Stalin. In their works Ehrenburg, Pasternak, Yevtushenko, Voznesensky, etc., blackened the glorious past of the epoch of Lenin and Stalin and raised on high the revisionist theories to make way for the penetration of bourgeois art. The revisionists work persistently today to turn literature on the anti-socialist and bourgeois path. In the countries where the revisionists rule, the theories of the independence of art from social life, of the ‘freedom of art’, are widely spread. The revisionist writers deny the educational and social character of art, and raise on high in their works bourgeois individualism and egoism, preach the abandonment of the class struggle, repudiate the contradictions which exist between capital and socialism. In their works they eulogize the idea of abstract humanism, praise the revisionist theory of ‘peaceful co-existence’, incite fear of war and spread the spirit of submission before imperialism. Indeed, the revisionist aestheticians have spread those old theories which Lenin denounced long ago in his article ‘Party Organisation and Party Literature’.

The literature of socialist realism is developing today in close relation with the struggle for the construction of socialist society and for the triumph of the world proletarian revolution; it is in irreconcilable struggle with the apoliticism and moral and social degeneration which revisionist literature seeks to spread.

The Method of Socialist Realism

Socialist realism is the newest and most powerful artistic method, But it was not born out of nothing, without a basis of earlier literature. Socialist realism inherited and developed further the main principle of the realism of the 19th century, that of presenting true, faithful reflection of life. But this reflection was now made in different economic and political conditions, in new relations, in the midst of a new ideology, unknown to or unassimilated by the writers and artists of critical realism. But what do we understand by the term ‘artistic method’? It is the attitude of the writer towards reality, the fundamental principles by which a writer is led into reflecting this reality in literary works, which comprise his artistic method. Every artistic method has its own special features. The question then arises: What are the special features of socialist realism? In what ways does it resemble, and in what ways does it differ from, earlier methods of realism?

Socialist realism differs from all earlier literary currents, even from the most progressive such as revolutionary romanticism and critical realism, because, unlike these currents which reflect life either in a subjective or in an incomplete manner, it sets out from scientific, dialectical criteria in its reflection of life.

Socialist realism is based on the Marxist-Leninist world outlook, which gives writers and artists the possibility of understanding in depth and clarity the laws of the development of society, of penetrating to the core of events and of people’s characters, which arms them with a correct, scientific political and ideological outlook. As a result, it marks from the standpoint of quality a new, higher stage of realism.

Socialist realism inherits and develops further the main principle of 19th century realism: true, faithful reflection of life. Socialist realism transcends many of the boundaries of critical realism. Alongside criticism of everything old and reactionary which holds back the advance of society, socialist realism also puts forward a true and clear programme of activity for the radical transformation of society, for the liberation of the working masses from exploitation, for the construction of a new socialist society.

‘Socialist realism’, Enver Hoxha has said in speaking of our literature, ‘is the faithful reflection in all its aspects of the socialist life we are building, of the colossal material transformations which our country, our society, our people, are undertaking at revolutionary speed on the basis of Marxist-Leninist theory and on the basis of the measures and decisions elaborated by our Party’

What therefore, is the essence of socialist realism?

Socialist realism reflects life with truthfulness and in its revolutionary development.

The true reflection of life in its revolutionary development seeks not only to reveal the principal processes of life, but to express what is new and revolutionary, to show its birth in struggle with the old, with the reactionary, which resists it with the utmost fury and desperation. The best works of world socialist literature show the birth of new socialist elements in social life and in the consciousness of people, the bitter struggle between the new and the old.

Thus, for example, Gorky in the novel ‘The Mother’, alongside the continuous putrefaction of the old and the vain efforts of the oppressors and exploiters of the people (the factory director, the officials of the Tsarist police and courts, who represent feudal-bourgeois society) to block its path, reflects also the birth of the new in life, the formation of new people — the representatives of the proletariat, of the working masses, to whom the future belongs (Pavel, the mother, Andrei, Rybin, etc.), and of new relations (the creation of the Party led by Lenin, the strengthening of the class consciousness of the Russian proletariat, the creation of an alliance of struggle between the proletariat and the peasantry, etc.).

Socialist realism seeks to link true reflection of life with the tasks of educating the workers. Stalin has called Marxist-Leninist writers ‘engineers of the human soul’. This means that in their works these writers accomplish a most important task. They not only communicate much knowledge about social life, they also attack the remnants of the past in the consciousness of masses of the people and educate the workers to become warriors for construction of socialist and communist society.

The revisionists furiously assail the method of socialist realism. They allege that this method was created in an ‘artificial, bureaucratic’ manner; they strive to replace it by decadent, bourgeois literary currents. However the method of socialist realism is omnipotent, because it was born in a legitimate way, was forged on the terrain of the revolutionary struggle of the masses of the people led by Marxist-Leninist parties, was nourished on the most progressive ideals in the world, on shining communist ideals. It has demonstrated its strength and superiority in an indisputable manner, has become embodied in the literature of various countries, in literary works of great ideo-artistic value. Life has proved that socialist literature can develop, advance forcefully and play its great role in the communist education of the masses only on the sure road shown by the method of socialist realism. Like every literary method, the method of socialist realism too has its own distinct features.

Communist Partisanship:
the Fundamental Principle of the Literature of Socialist Realism

The fundamental principle of the literature of socialist realism is the principle of communist partisanship. The writer, as a member of society, cannot be neutral towards events he observes in the environment which surrounds him, towards the various problems of society, towards classes and the class struggle. ‘To live in society and to be free of society is an impossibility’, Lenin has said. Marxism-Leninism has established that in a class-divided society, the various political, social, moral, artistic, etc., viewpoints of all people (and so also of writers) have a class character; in them are reflected the interests, needs, demands of this or that class. So the literary creations of writers too bear a definite class stamp; in the artistic images of literary works are embodied the ideals, the demands of this class. The phenomena, problems and characters of the people they depict are shown and evaluated by the writer from the class position which he represents. The appraisal, in literary works, of events and human actions from the viewpoint of the interests of a certain social class, is called partisanship in literature. There is bourgeois partisanship and communist partisanship, depending upon the interests of which class the writer defends.

The principle of communist partisanship demands that the writer should reflect life in his works from the standpoint of Marxist-Leninist ideology, of the revolutionary interests of the struggle carried on by the proletariat under the leadership of its Marxist-Leninist party.

This fundamental principle was elaborated by Lenin in 1905 in the article ‘Party Organization and Party Literature’. ‘Literature’, wrote Lenin in this article, ‘must become party literature. In contradistinction to bourgeois customs, to the profit-making, commercialized bourgeois press, to bourgeois literary careerism and individualism, ‘aristocratic anarchism’ and drive for profit, the socialist proletariat must put forward the principle of party literature, must develop this principle and put it into practice as fully and completely as possible’.

‘The continuous strengthening of proletarian partisanship’, Enver Hoxha stressed at the 7th Congress of the Party, ‘must always remain a basic task for the development of our culture and arts, for their advance on the road of socialism’.

In vain do the enemies of socialism, the bourgeois ideologists and modern revisionists, charge that the principle of partisanship in literature restricts the freedom of the writer in his creativity. In fact, party spirit is for the writers of every country a powerful weapon to understand and to reflect more deeply social life and the soul of man; it creates the conditions for the full flowering of their talents. Lenin has said: ‘There is no doubt that in this direction alone can full liberty of personal initiative of individual aptitudes, be secured, can free rein be given to thought and fantasy, to form and content’. And he adds: ‘Literary work must become a component part of the social-democratic(1) work of the Party, closely linked with other parts of its work’.

The bourgeois ideologists and modern revisionists, enemies of socialism and of the people, attack the principle of partisanship in general, as well as that of communist partisanship. They deny the class character of literature. Art and literature, for them, stand outside classes. They say that literature should have nothing to do with political ideas, since these, they allege, harm literature. Without any doubt, the repudiation by the bourgeois and revisionist aestheticians of class character, of partisanship, has its motives. With their theory they attempt to distance the writer from the struggle of the working class, to disorganize the working class and disarm it of its theoretical and ideo-aesthetic weapons. On occasion, some of the revisionist aestheticians have affirmed partisanship in literature. But in this case they have not had in mind communist partisanship. For them, literature must be made the enthusiastic spokesman of the revisionist theories, as occurs today in the Soviet Union and other revisionist countries. But the efforts of the revisionists to bring about the degeneration of art, to turn it into a weapon against the masses, are being disrupted by life itself, by the development of literature itself, which rejects the baseless dicta of the revisionists. The more profoundly the writer with communist partisanship understands his time, the more profoundly he interprets this time in art from the Marxist-Leninist viewpoint, the greater, the more powerful, the more real his work becomes. The more, therefore, the talented writer bases himself on the most progressive ideas of his time, on the ideals of the Communist Party, the more partisan he is in defence of the interests of the working masses, the more the inner content of his works is enriched, the higher their artistic value is raised.

Another important characteristic of the literature of socialist realism is its national form and socialist content. Every people has its language, its traditions, its cultural and psychic distinctions. ‘Every nation, whether great or small, has its qualitative distinctions, its specific features, which pertain only to it and which no other nation possesses’, Stalin has said; ‘these distinctions are the contribution which every nation puts into the general treasury of world culture and which adds to it, enriches it’. As a result, true literature, rooted deeply in a people, will bear in an inescapable manner the stamp of these distinctions in the mental and spiritual world of the people, will be born on the terrain of the best cultural traditions of the people, will express the demands, the struggle, the efforts, the dreams of the people. Such is the literature of socialist realism, which stands close to the efforts and aspirations of the people. By ‘national form,’ in literature we mean that this literature is created in the national language, that it reflects the best national traditions, the distinct psychic character of the nation, and is intelligible to the people.

The Subject Matter of the Literature of Socialist Realism

The principal source of the subject matter of works of socialist realism is made up of problems linked with life, the work, thoughts and actions of the people who are constructing socialism or who are struggling for their rights in the capitalist and revisionist countries.

The writers, in their works, show how the people, under the leadership of the Marxist-Leninist party, prepare for and carry through the revolution, how they defend the socialist homeland and the gains of the revolution from internal and external enemies, how they struggle to turn the homeland into a powerful and advanced socialist state, how they support the world revolutionary movement.

In the literature of socialist realism, the depiction of the people is made not from the positions of critical realism, but from quite another angle of view. Critical realism puts at the centre of its works oppressed and exploited people, people for whom we must have pity, people who rebel only as individuals, people who are incapable of changing their life, of building a new society. The literature of socialist realism, on the other hand, portrays the people as a great, organized force, as the creative and moving force of history. This literature shows, therefore, that the broad masses are those who play the decisive role in historical events. Thus, current themes, the artistic treatment of the principal current problems of socialist construction, occupy the central place in the literature of socialist realism. Speaking of the development of art in our country, Enver Hoxha stressed at the 7th Congress: ‘A better reflection of some of the major themes in our artistic creativity, such as that of the hegemonic role of the working class in our society, the revolutionary transformation of our socialist countryside, the revolutionizing force of the communists, the treatment of cardinal themes and key moments in the history of our people and particularly of the National Liberation War and the socialist revolution, are an essential requirement to make our literature and art even more revolutionary!’. Certainly, the presen